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Washington’s New Grip on Critical Minerals: Africa Watching from the Sidelines

Washington’s New Grip on Critical Minerals: Africa Watching from the Sidelines
Thursday, 05 February 2026 12:33
  • Washington’s 2026 Ministerial marks a shift from market pricing to state control of critical minerals via security, finance, and diplomacy.

  • Rising demand and high prices turn once-marginal mineral assets into strategic tools—what was geology is now geopolitics.

  • Africa supplies essential minerals but lacks leverage; it negotiates alone, while the US, EU, and Japan act as coordinated blocs.

The 2026 Critical Minerals Ministerial held in Washington marks far more than a routine diplomatic gathering. It signals a structural shift in the global political economy of raw materials. Under the banner of supply chain resilience and national security, the United States is openly abandoning a market-driven approach to critical minerals in favour of a state-led, security-oriented model. Financing, pricing coordination, long-term contracts, strategic stockpiles, and diplomatic alignment are now being mobilised to reshape an entire global market.

This shift comes at a pivotal moment. Global demand for critical minerals is accelerating rapidly, driven by artificial intelligence, batteries, robotics, electrification, and defence technologies. Prices remain elevated, and this sustained price environment has fundamentally altered the economic viability of projects that were previously considered marginal or too risky. Assets held by major players such as Glencore and Ivanhoe Mines—once constrained by cost structures and price volatility—have suddenly become strategic. What was once geology is now geopolitics.

From commodities to instruments of power

In Washington’s new framework, critical minerals are no longer treated as neutral commodities traded on global markets. They are redefined as instruments of power, leverage, and strategic autonomy. Through initiatives such as FORGE, Pax Silica, Project Vault, and massive mobilisation by EXIM, the Department of Energy, and the DFC, the United States is building an integrated system that controls not only extraction but also financing, processing, logistics, recycling, and stockpiling.

This architecture is explicitly designed to reduce dependence on adversarial suppliers and to prevent supply chains from being used as tools of coercion. Yet, by doing so, it also concentrates decision-making power in a narrow group of aligned states and institutions. The market is no longer cleared by price alone, but by political trust, strategic alignment, and access to U.S.-backed capital.

African countries are visibly present in this new landscape. The Democratic Republic of the Congo, Guinea, Zambia, Angola, Morocco, and others are repeatedly cited as key partners. Their resources—cobalt, copper, bauxite, and manganese—are indispensable to the energy and technological transition. Without African minerals, the new industrial strategies of Washington, Brussels, and Tokyo would not function.

Yet presence should not be confused with influence. The Washington discussions reveal a persistent structural imbalance: Africa is central to supply, but marginal in governance. The value-adding segments of the chain—refining, processing, battery manufacturing, recycling, and strategic reserves—remain overwhelmingly located in the United States and its allies. Africa continues to supply raw materials, while decisive control over capital, technology, and standards remains in the hands of external actors.

The much-publicised U.S.-backed Glencore–Orion initiative in the DRC illustrates this tension perfectly. While framed as a “strategic partnership,” its primary objective is to secure reliable copper and cobalt flows to the United States. The language of mutual benefit coexists with a clear asymmetry: Washington's security of supply takes precedence over Kinshasa's industrial sovereignty.

Africa negotiating alone in a world of blocs

Perhaps the most striking element of this moment is not what is being negotiated, but how it is being negotiated. These discussions are taking place largely outside African regional negotiation frameworks that could strengthen collective bargaining power. While the United States, the European Union, Japan, and their partners increasingly organise themselves as coordinated blocs—aligning standards, financing, and strategic objectives—African countries remain largely engaged in bilateral relations.

This fragmentation weakens their position precisely when minerals have become most strategic. In a world where demand is booming and prices are high, collective negotiation could translate geological wealth into lasting economic transformation. Instead, Africa risks repeating an old pattern: negotiating individually in a system where others act as cohorts.

What is unfolding in Washington is not a temporary policy push, but the early stages of a new global order for critical resources. It is a world where minerals once deemed economically unviable are reclassified as strategic assets, where markets are subordinated to security imperatives, and where power lies not in extraction alone, but in control over the full value chain. Africa is no longer invisible in this equation—but it remains, for now, an observer of a system being designed elsewhere. The central question is no longer whether Africa matters, but whether it will shape the rules of a game in which it holds many of the essential cards.

Idriss Linge

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